Originally published: https://english.anf-news.com/features/inclusivity-in-the-peace-and-democratic-society-process-86803

The Kurdish political movement argues that the process should not be conducted solely between Kurdish political representatives and the government, but should instead move forward on the basis of a broad social alliance encompassing peoples, women, youth.

17 August 2026 | Rüstem Sincer, ANF

Following decades of armed conflict stemming from a dirty war against the Kurds and similar attacks, a new period of resolution and normalization began on February 27, 2025, with the call issued by Abdullah Öcalan. Directly named the “Peace and Democratic Society Process” by Öcalan, this process marked the beginning of a new, long-term period of struggle encompassing the status of the Kurds and their full range of rights.

From the perspective of the Kurdish Freedom Movement, the most fundamental reality emerging in this period is this: if the process remains merely a period in which the guns fall silent, it will amount to little more than a fragile ceasefire, far from achieving lasting peace. As the Kurdish political movement has repeatedly emphasized, the goal should not be negative peace, but positive peace—one in which justice, equality and recognition are guaranteed. This can only be achieved by ensuring that all segments of society, all political parties and civil society become active participants in the process.

The necessity of social consensus

The Kurdish Movement’s accumulated experience with resolution processes shows that confining the process to narrow negotiations solely between the state and the armed organization carries the risk of failure today, just as it did in the past. Excluding broad segments of society weakens the legitimacy of the process and leaves it vulnerable to collapse at the first moment of political crisis.

By contrast, a model for resolution based on social consensus, in which all segments of society are informed and included in the process, safeguards both its durability and legitimacy. For this reason, the Kurdish political movement argues that the process should not be conducted solely between Kurdish political representatives and the government, but should instead move forward on the basis of a broad social alliance encompassing Turks, Kurds, Alevis, Armenians, Syriacs and all the peoples of the country, as well as labor organizations, the women’s movement, youth movements and democratic forces.

The responsibility of political parties

For the process to evolve into a lasting solution, one of the Kurdish Movement’s key demands is that all political parties represented in parliament become direct participants rather than remaining mere spectators or bodies tasked with approving decisions. It is essential that the parliamentary commission established thus far develop into a genuine mechanism for negotiation and resolution, moving beyond a merely symbolic platform and becoming a functional body capable of discussing legal and constitutional amendments and hearing all segments of society.

From the perspective of the Kurdish political movement, the participation and active engagement of opposition parties alongside the ruling party is crucial to transforming the process from a “government project” into a “shared national project.” Otherwise, there will always be a risk that the process could be reduced to a fragile political choice that can be shelved whenever governments change.

Civil society, the women’s movement and youth

Another point consistently emphasized by the Kurdish Freedom Movement is that civil society and forces of social opposition cannot be excluded from the process. Drawing on decades of experience with both the devastating consequences of war and the building of peace, the women’s movement is striving to become an indispensable component of the process. From the perspective of gender equality, a peace process that excludes women will inevitably remain incomplete.

Likewise, establishing participatory mechanisms through which youth organizations, professional associations, trade unions, human rights organizations, local administrations and academic circles can contribute directly to the process would create strong channels for advancing it. Democratic society congresses, local peace assemblies and similar participatory structures could emerge as key mechanisms for extending the process to the grassroots and embedding it within society.

Conditions for achieving positive peace

The Kurdish Movement’s understanding of peace points to a social order that goes beyond the mere absence of armed conflict and eliminates structural injustices. In this context, the fundamental conditions for achieving positive peace include providing constitutional guarantees for Kurdish identity and language, ensuring that democratic principles are upheld, and seriously addressing demands for local self-government.

These demands also include the release of political prisoners, the reinstatement of elected municipal co-mayors who were removed from office, the removal of obstacles to Öcalan’s physical freedom, and the implementation of restorative justice mechanisms aimed at healing collective memory.

Without such steps, a narrow approach focused solely on disarmament would restrict the process’s social base and deepen mistrust. Peace should not be regarded as a concession, but rather as the foundation of a renewed social contract based on equal citizenship.

Media and public involvement

Another dimension that deserves attention is ensuring that the media and the public are able to follow the process transparently. To transform a public perception shaped for years by a security-oriented discourse, reporting on the process must not be limited solely to official statements. Independent journalists, academics and observers need to be given access to different stages of the process.

Ending the long-standing pressure on journalism in Kurdistan, releasing imprisoned journalists, and removing administrative barriers to Kurdish-language broadcasting would be essential steps toward building public support for the process. Otherwise, large segments of society will remain unaware of the process’s actual substance and continue to be exposed only to a narrow and one-sided official narrative.

Constitutional guarantees and legal framework

One of the most important means of ensuring the durability of the process is to place the steps taken on firm legal and constitutional foundations. From the perspective of the Kurdish Movement, verbal commitments based solely on political will or temporary measures are not considered sufficient. A democratic constitution-making process must be conducted on a pluralistic and participatory basis, with all segments of society represented.

Constitutionally guaranteeing the right to education in one’s mother tongue, the powers of local administrations, and the removal of barriers to political participation is regarded as crucial to making the process irreversible. Without such steps, the process will remain vulnerable to being held hostage whenever the political climate changes.

The importance of social dialogue and the search for truth

It is clear that the suffering caused by more than four decades of conflict cannot truly be brought to closure without a search for truth and meaningful social dialogue. In this context, investigating the lives lost, unsolved killings, enforced disappearances and collective traumas through an independent truth commission, listening to the demands of victims, and restoring collective memory would help establish the psychological and social foundations for lasting peace.

Steps taken without confronting the truth cannot be expected to create a genuine sense of trust among broad segments of society. For this reason, Kurds are calling for this dimension of the process to be addressed with equal seriousness and for a victim-centered, justice-based approach to be adopted.